Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966

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Highly recommended. Paul Stronski traces the multifaceted transformation of Tashkent from the s to the s, showing the impact of Soviet power and world war on the city's physical and social environment. This is an important work on a region and period that have received far too little scholarly attention. Stronski illuminates the dramatic and often brutal ways in which Tashkent was conceived and constructed as the population, communications, and cultural hub for a transformed Central Asia.


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Reviews Schrijf een review. Kies je bindwijze. Verwacht over 6 weken Levertijd We doen er alles aan om dit artikel op tijd te bezorgen. Verkoop door bol. In winkelwagen Op verlanglijstje.

Gratis verzending 30 dagen bedenktijd en gratis retourneren Ophalen bij een bol. Anderen bekeken ook. Karl D. Qualls From Ruins to Reconstruction 43, Rebecca Manley To the Tashkent Station 48, Alexander Werth Leningrad 23, In the colonial world, the construction of housing with a glance to the cultural preferences of the main population groups was one of the tools of strengthening segregation, which made domination and subordination persistent by means of setting up more comfortable and acceptable living conditions.

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They do take into account the difference between cultural habits of various groups, but for each of them, he provides its own type of housing with an inherent potential for emancipation, suggesting a development towards the communist way of life. Russian workers get an offer of new forms of socialist communal lifestyle, and the nomads of yesterday are to enjoy transitional housing to help them adapt to a new social order.

Thus the architect does not intend to sustain the existing order, but is quite consciously looking for the most efficient means of transitioning to a different way of life. Ultimately, this new order would have made the segregation and autonomous life of ethnic communities impossible. His wide generalisations were based on an analysis of the architectural environment in the cities of Dagestan and Central Asia.

Urbanism had the most decisive vote on this issue.

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However, there were some exceptions. The draft of the Bokhara redevelopment plan F. Dolgov, was the first to feature an idea to spare a part of the old town. Similar ideas about Tashkent were voiced during the debates on the urban development plan. After a forced break during World War Two, the discussion resumed after the war. No doubt the Soviet practices were devoid of the segregationist aspect present in French urbanism.

While colonial architects strived to distance the Europeans from the Muslims, their Soviet colleagues tried to achieve the opposite effect. However, the discourses both designs were embedded in were not the same. Its objective and aesthetics were, in a sense, akin to those of the concentration camps turned into museums. Most likely, the absurdity of this manifestation of the double bind had been understood quite soon.

For the first time since the s, architects were seriously concerned with the idea that the standard housing that had filled Central Asian cities did not match the cultural traditions of the autochthonous population.

A Rare Glimpse Of Early Soviet-Era Uzbekistan

In Russia, people have always been living within four walls. So, when people of the temperate zone moved into high-rise buildings, the same small houses were actually piled one upon the other. Basically, […] there was no significant lifestyle change here. In the East, the way of living is absolutely different. They do not live in separate rooms in the East, but in the patios, in open spaces. Therefore, when we push a man of the East into a high-rise building, we change their lifestyle most abruptly The prospect would be crowned with extravagant multi-floor hotels which would serve as observation points for tourists.

The overall composition would be shaped as an amphitheatre with the remains of the old town in its focus. The glazed-in rectangular block of its hall adjoins the blind bulk of the auditorium shaped as a cut-off Doric column.

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On the one hand, there is an emphatic Freudian slip here Sergo Soutyagin sometimes mentions that this solution came to him in a dream. On the other, the building perfectly matched the city context and looked very attractive with the old town in the background. The Panoramic Cinema starts the history of reading intuitive and graphic correlations into the interpretations of Central Asian architecture.

The problem of national form was addressed in a talented and profound way. Even in the general design, with its courtyards and roofed terraces, we can feel the techniques of national architecture […]. But all of these stay on the level of general associations, without borrowing forms and details of the old architecture The exterior of [his] buildings is laconic, and the brick lining brings up an associative and graphic link with Tajik traditional architecture The otherness of the Soviet experience in Central Asia lies in the presence of a different teleological perspective, which allowed to construe the experience as a project ultimately aimed at the withering of colonial subordination rather than at a persistent optimisation of the domination and suppression practices.

Therefore, the difference between the Soviet and the colonial lies in the aims rather than the outcomes, or, sometimes, in interpretations rather than in designs. The Soviet Orientalism stemmed from the Russian experience which had its own idiosyncrasies. Russian Orientalists argued more insistently than their Western colleagues that the West and the East are not actually divided by an insurmountable wall of binary dichotomies.

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This position quickly became the official stance of the Soviet humanities, as stated in the Stalin-era edition of the Great Soviet Encyclopaedia This optic of power should not be overlooked or ignored when dealing with local architectural and urban practices. It should not also be considered the only possible one, as it clearly follows from the cross analysis of modernism in Soviet Central Asia and the colonial Maghreb.

Today this twofold contradistinction has come to be associated with postcolonial criticism. While Tunisia and Algeria followed in the wake of the Soviet-type single-party system, Nehru attempted to combine a planned economy with democratic rule. In this context, the Soviet could be viewed as a certain version of the postcolonial. It is, although, common knowledge that postcoloniality does not come coupled with the full and final destruction of coloniality. Instead, it offers new clues to understanding the latter.

The Soviet is the postcolonial not least because its anti-imperialist and internationalist ardour would have been impossible in the framework of official culture of a colonial power. This is probably why the modalities of Orientalism which are explicit in colonial contexts, telles quelles , have continued to exist in a latent form in Soviet culture, as it is typical for the postcolonial. Howsoever evident some parallels to the colonial experience would seem, this material resists a direct association with Orientalism. Likewise, Orientalist undertones and reverberations can never be fully excluded from it.

Quel arbitrage? Bruant , C. Doshi , Balkrishna V. Gordeev, Knopf, Du Gouvernement des tribus. Veselovskii , Vsevolod, Mykimov, Rustam et al. Weber, Nicholas Fox ed. Demange et M. Wittezaele , Jean-Jacques dir. Borozdin ed. Kim, Narodnoe khudozhestvennoe tvorchestvo Sovetskogo Vostoka. Doshi, Le Corbusier and Louis I. Touchaleaume, G. Wittezaele dir. Oliver, Reading Kristeva , etc. Bruant, S.

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Leprun, M. Almi, Urbanisme et colonisation , p. Cohen, M. Eleb, Casablanca , p. Eren Tasar. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources.

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  • This illuminating volume is a very welcome addition to the growing body of literature on life in postwar Soviet Russia and a must-read for anyone interested in Soviet history. This eloquently written and carefully researched work marks an important contribution to the Downloaded by [Eren Tasar] at 09 May social history of Soviet Central Asia. In this book, Stronski examines the implications of the Soviet modernization project for the built environment, ethnic relations, popular identity and everyday life through the prism of the city of Tashkent, the capital of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic.

    In a sweeping narrative he outlines the trajectory of Soviet urban planning in the city over a period of almost four decades. This new complex of public and private space, it was hoped, would break down traditional social relations and produce a fully Soviet, multinational, proletarian populace. The course of urban planning in Tashkent changed — or reversed — depending on developments in Moscow. The Second World War put a halt to the most transformative ambitions of urban planners in Tashkent, giving way to the pragmatic imperative of affording basic housing to as many residents as possible.

    The city became progressively multi-ethnic, but not without visceral conflict, and certainly not according to central design. By the mids, a modern, industrialized, ethnically diverse Soviet metropolis had indeed emerged, due to the intended and unintended consequences of urban planning, both central and regional. Stronski situates his intervention at the crossroads of the historiography of the Soviet Union and Central Asian studies. Stronki demonstrates that broader trends in Soviet history until the war applied in full force to Tashkent, with successive waves of revolutionary, and often destructive, transformation halted by the cataclysm of the Second World War.

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    Like Moscow and Magnitogorsk, Tashkent witnessed the decline of populist-driven planning strategies during the s in favour of the ostentatious imperatives of the s. Yet Tashkent also confronted Soviet planners with a distinctly non-Russian urban culture that demanded more flexibility and nuance than ideological considerations could often allow Centrally devised construction strategies — meant for application to the entire USSR — added to the misery of local residents. Urban authorities rushed to demolish the traditional Uzbek neighbourhoods, known as mahallas, characterizing Old Tashkent.

    Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966 Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966
    Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966 Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966
    Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966 Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966
    Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966 Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966
    Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966 Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966
    Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966 Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966
    Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966 Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966
    Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966 Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966
    Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930-1966

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