The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas

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The fact that he had remained an unrepentant Nazi, however, could be known by at the latest. Since then, the uncritical reception in France, and the USA for that matter, has always struck me as strange. In spite of the political ambivalence of the style, I regard this work as a result of the long history of detranscendentalizing the Kantian subject: by appropriating the methods of Husserlian phenomenology in his own way, Being and Time also digests an important legacy of American pragmatism, German historicism and the kind of philosophy of language that originates from Wilhelm von Humboldt.

Some critics read the book only from the perspective of a historian of political ideas.

The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas

But then the reader overlooks the relevance of philosophical arguments and the waywardness of long-term philosophical learning curves. From that point on, Heidegger increasingly abandons philosophical argumentation and becomes a private thinker.

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This turned Heidegger into a propagandist in and — after — into an apologist for the Nazi regime, or even into a spin doctor for Nazi crimes. MF: Later, in The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity , you apply to contemporary French philosophy your criticism of unilateral incriminations of reason. In this context you make reference, especially with Foucault and Derrida, to the potential alliance between postmodernity and neoconservatism.

Could you briefly recall the background to this verdict, as well as the reasons that later moved you to change it think of the book you wrote with Jacques Derrida or your homage to the Foucault of Enlightenment? JH: In my generation there have been many misunderstandings between the philosophers on this side of the Rhine and those on the other side, and few attempts to get on instead of ignoring one another. One of the few exceptions is the admirable Paul Ricoeur.

Added to this are linguistic and accidental misunderstandings.

The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas

I was attempting to make them aware that German authors, whom they invoke above all others, are placed in a politically poisoned context. Heidegger and Carl Schmitt drew on deeply German, namely militantly counter-revolutionary sources, which stand in stark contrast to the intentions of a reflective Enlightenment and, indeed, left-wing traditions in general.

They wanted to force through their elitist ideas of an authoritarian society welded together in uniformity by means of anti-bourgeois gestures. This activist mentality nourished itself on resentments against the Peace of Versailles, which was regarded as a humiliation. Carl Schmitt and Heidegger became intellectual pioneers for the Nazi regime not by chance, but as a result of motives deeply embedded in their theories. I was always aware of the contrast with the intentions of Foucault and Derrida. My affective attitude can perhaps also be explained in that it was precisely distinguished French left-wingers who fixated on such people.

Admittedly, I should have done a better job of controlling my emotions. But you asked me about the reasons for the disagreement regarding the Enlightenment. As far as I understand, this controversy is not about the indisputable ideological role repeatedly played in the history of western modernity by the selective application of our western standards of egalitarian and individualistic universalism.

They often served, and still do serve, to cover up the practice of double standards — both in the hypocritical justification of repressive regimes, and in the imperialist destruction and exploitation of foreign cultures. The dispute is rather over the correct philosophical explanation of this fact. We must recognize that any criticism of a hypocritically selective application of universalist standards must appeal to the standards of this very same universalism.

To the extent that the discourse on moral universalism is carried out at the conceptual level of Kantian arguments, it has become self-reflective: it self-consciously realizes that it cannot criticize its own flaws but by an appeal to its own standards. For these empires, only barbarians lived beyond the borders. By contrast, only those standards can withstand criticism that can be justified from a shared perspective developed in the course of an inclusive deliberation requiring the mutual adoption of the perspective of all those affected. That is the discourse-ethical interpretation of a universalism that has become self-reflective and no longer assimilates the other to oneself.

Universalism properly understood proceeds from the premise that everyone is foreign to everyone else — and wants to remain so! Later we told each other about the curriculum of our respective years of philosophical study, which took something of a different course. With regard to his discourse theory of power, I asked him at the time about the implicit standards on which his criticism was based. I was very shocked when he died in the interim.

In the case of Derrida, fortunately I took the initiative just in time to clear up the misunderstandings between us. I subsequently visited him several times in Paris and he visited me in Frankfurt. We also met in New York and remained in telephonic contact — until the very end. Whom should I meet for lunch? JH: From its inception the Frankfurt Institute was anti-Stalinist — and all the more so after the war.

There are also other reasons why I was never tempted by orthodox Marxism. For example, I was never convinced by the centrepiece of political economy, the theory of surplus value, in view of the intervention of the welfare state in the economy. During my youth I was certainly more closely aligned with left-wing activism than I was later.

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The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere , which was my post-doctoral thesis under the supervision of Wolfgang Abendroth, the only Marxist to hold a chair at a German university, at best points in the direction of socialist democracy. If you like, I was always a parliamentary socialist — in this respect I was in my early days influenced by the Austrian Marxists Karl Renner and Otto Bauer. My attitude to Theory and Practice has not significantly changed since I wrote the introduction to the new edition of this book in Academic studies are always written with the reservation that all research is fallible.

This role must be clearly separated from the other two roles of a left-wing intellectual — from his involvement in political discussions in the public sphere and from the organization of joint political action. This separation of roles is necessary even if the intellectual attempts to combine all three roles in one person. One culture brings values, in which it recognizes itself, into a different transitive order than other cultures. The same applies to the identity-building self-conception of people. In both cases existential questions of a good or successful life can only be answered from the perspective of the first person.

But the dispute about moral universalism concerns issues of justice ; and these issues can in principle be resolved when all parties are prepared to assume the perspective of the respective other in order to resolve the conflict in the equal interests of all sides. A little different is your question about the criticism of instrumental — I would rather say functional — reason. Habermas wrote: "The unconditional opening of the Federal Republic to the political culture of the West is the greatest intellectual achievement of our postwar period; my generation should be especially proud of this.

This event cannot and should not be stabilized by a kind of NATO philosophy colored with German nationalism. The only patriotism that will not estrange us from the West is a constitutional patriotism.

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Habermas and Jacques Derrida engaged in a series of disputes beginning in the s and culminating in a mutual understanding and friendship in the late s that lasted until Derrida's death in The next year Habermas published "Beyond a Temporalized Philosophy of Origins: Derrida" in The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity in which he described Derrida's method as being unable to provide a foundation for social critique. At the end of the s, Habermas approached Derrida at a party held at an American university where both were lecturing.

They then met at Paris over dinner, and participated afterwards in many joint projects.

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In they held a joint seminar on problems of philosophy, right, ethics, and politics at the University of Frankfurt. Following the lecture by Habermas, both thinkers engaged in a very heated debate on Heidegger and the possibility of Ethics. In early , both Habermas and Derrida were very active in opposing the coming Iraq War ; in a manifesto that later became the book Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe , the two called for a tighter unification of the states of the European Union in order to create a power capable of opposing American foreign policy.

Derrida wrote a foreword expressing his unqualified subscription to Habermas's declaration of February "February 15, or, What Binds Europeans Together: Plea for a Common Foreign Policy, Beginning in Core Europe" in the book, which was a reaction to the Bush administration 's demands upon European nations for support in the coming Iraq War. Habermas's attitudes toward religion have changed throughout the years. For the normative self-understanding of modernity, Christianity has functioned as more than just a precursor or catalyst. Universalistic egalitarianism , from which sprang the ideals of freedom and a collective life in solidarity, the autonomous conduct of life and emancipation, the individual morality of conscience, human rights and democracy, is the direct legacy of the Judaic ethic of justice and the Christian ethic of love.

This legacy, substantially unchanged, has been the object of a continual critical reappropriation and reinterpretation. Up to this very day there is no alternative to it.

And in light of the current challenges of a post-national constellation, we must draw sustenance now, as in the past, from this substance. Everything else is idle postmodern talk. Dazu gibt es bis heute keine Alternative. Auch angesichts der aktuellen Herausforderungen einer postnationalen Konstellation zehren wir nach wie vor von dieser Substanz. Alles andere ist postmodernes Gerede. This statement has been misquoted in a number of articles and books, where Habermas instead is quoted for saying:. Christianity, and nothing else, is the ultimate foundation of liberty, conscience, human rights, and democracy, the benchmarks of Western civilization.

To this day, we have no other options. We continue to nourish ourselves from this source. Everything else is postmodern chatter. In his book Zwischen Naturalismus und Religion Between Naturalism and Religion, , Habermas stated that the forces of religious strength, as a result of multiculturalism and immigration, are stronger than in previous decades, and, therefore, there is a need of tolerance which must be understood as a two-way street: secular people need to tolerate the role of religious people in the public square and vice versa.

The dialogue took place on January 14, after an invitation to both thinkers by the Catholic Academy of Bavaria in Munich. In this debate a shift of Habermas became evident—in particular, his rethinking of the public role of religion. Habermas stated that he wrote as a "methodological atheist," which means that when doing philosophy or social science, he presumed nothing about particular religious beliefs. Yet while writing from this perspective his evolving position towards the role of religion in society led him to some challenging questions, and as a result conceding some ground in his dialogue with the future Pope, that would seem to have consequences which further complicated the positions he holds about a communicative rational solution to the problems of modernity.

Habermas believes that even for self-identified liberal thinkers, "to exclude religious voices from the public square is highly illiberal. Though, in the first period of his career, he began as a skeptic of any social usefulness of religion, he now believes there is a social role and utilitarian moral strength in religion, and notably, that there is a necessity of Judeochristian ethics in culture.

In addition, Habermas has popularized the concept of " post-secular " society, to refer to current times in which the idea of modernity is perceived as unsuccessful and at times, morally failed, so that, rather than a stratification or separation, a new peaceful dialogue and coexistence between faith and reason must be sought in order to learn mutually.

Habermas has sided with other 20th-century commentators on Marx such as Hannah Arendt who have indicated concerns with the limits of totalitarian perspectives often associated with Marx's apparent over-estimation of the emancipatory potential of the forces of production. Arendt had presented this in her book The Origins of Totalitarianism and Habermas extends this critique in his writings on functional reductionism in the life-world in his Lifeworld and System: A Critique of Functionalist Reason.

As Habermas states:. I do not believe in such an autonomy. Precisely for this reason, the laws governing the economic system are no longer identical to the ones Marx analyzed. Of course, this does not mean that it would be wrong to analyze the mechanism which drives the economic system; but in order for the orthodox version of such an analysis to be valid, the influence of the political system would have to be ignored. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Gummersbach , Rhine Province , Prussia , Germany. Continental philosophy Critical theory Neopragmatism [1].

Brave New World argument Communicative action Communicative rationality Constitutional patriotism Criticism of left fascism Criticism of structuralism Criticism of subject-centered reason Deliberative democracy Discourse ethics The Enlightenment as an unfinished project Instrumental and value-rational action Monological-dialogical ethics distinction [2] Performative contradiction Postsecularism Post-metaphysical philosophy Rational reconstruction System — lifeworld distinction Structural transformation of the public sphere Universal pragmatics.

The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. Further information: public sphere. Main article: Historikerstreit. Collins English Dictionary. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Retrieved 28 October — via papers. Between Naturalism and Religion: Philosophical Essays. First chapter. American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

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The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas
The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas
The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas
The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas
The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas The Critique of Instrumental Reason from Weber to Habermas

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